By Wilfrid Bade
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Путь Третьего рейха. Том 2. Начало.
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This explains his aversion to the type of broad governmental control of resources favored by Pinchot and Roosevelt; and yet he also did not approve of unchecked exploitation of those resources, nor of monopolistic accumulations of power and wealth by giant corporations, as he was eventually accused. The longer he stayed in public ofﬁce, the sturdier his beliefs became—their foundation resting on a moderate pro-industry vision infused with a distrust of power. “His own recommendations for conservation called for classiﬁcation of natural resources to eliminate fraud in their acquisition, legislation to speed up the determination of claims for legitimate claimants, and protection against monopoly.
6 When Garﬁeld and Roosevelt both personally beseeched Ballinger to take the job, he gave in and moved to the nation’s capital. The General Land Ofﬁce was badly in need of reform. Ballinger’s eventual political foe, Gifford Pinchot, who headed the Forest Service and was one of government’s most vocal proponents of conservation, often complained loudly that the Land Ofﬁce was inefﬁcient and archaic. In its history of supervising the sale and disposition of public lands, it had indeed accumulated a few disreputable incidents.
Since one of their Alaskan ventures—a railroad they were constructing to tap their principle copper mine—was hampered by a lack of a domestic coal supply, a collusion with the Cunningham claimants was practically inevitable. In July 1907, representatives of the Morgan-Guggenheim syndicate and members of the Cunningham group entered into an agreement to create a corporation in which the syndicate would provide the money and means to develop the coal ﬁelds in exchange for an unlimited supply of coal for their own venture.