Democracy Beyond Borders: Justice and Representation in by Andrew Kuper

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By Andrew Kuper

Notable in its scope and inventiveness, DEMOCRACY past BORDERS stands on the leading edge of a brand new new release of political notion which reassesses the philosophical foundations of the worldwide order. constructing an leading edge political conception of illustration, the booklet presents compelling solutions as to how we will be able to make sure that worldwide leaders act responsively and successfully within the pursuits of worldwide voters. It proposes functional reforms to the United countries and different significant associations.

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Dispersed sovereignty of some kind may well be effective and highly beneficial—though I have not yet said which kind, if any, is most promising (see Chapter 3). For now, note simply that Rawls thinks we must rid ourselves of the cult of unqualified state sovereignty, but he does not see that the cult of unitary sovereignty may 50 Pogge, ‘Cosmopolitanism’, 89, 102–5. , 100–1. Contra Weber, it is not the case that a monopoly on the legitimate use of force is foundational to sovereignty, as numerous empirical examples attest: who has a monopoly on legitimate violence over Bavaria—the State itself?

41 C. Beitz, ‘Cosmopolitan Liberalism and the State System’, in C. , Political Restructuring in Europe: Ethical Perspectives (London: Routledge, 1994), at 129. Global Justice 25 non-members and dissenters. A liberal background culture implies universalist justification. 42 These are Rawls’ words. To say that a social milieu or institutional formation is not automatically sealed away from critical scrutiny—by minimal gestures towards human rights and consultation—is not to abstract from real individuals; rather it is to treat their claims to moral consideration, including their cultural claims, entirely seriously.

44), and that ‘the moral learning of political concepts and principles works most effectively in the context of societywide political and social institutions’ (LP 112). But this mere assertion rests on an implausibly narrow moral psychology to which we have very little reason to subscribe. For one thing, ‘society’ and ‘nation’ come in so many sizes that stipulating numeric limits to affinity is dubious. For another, identity—and its motivational force—is not essentially unipolar. That unipolarity should even seem plausible to us is due largely to the contingent (and now changing) configuration of Europe after 1648.

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